NATO celebrating International Women's Day 2020
Together, We are stronger, We stand for Gender Equality
Together, We are stronger, We stand for Gender Equality
Through academic training, practice, and global networking opportunities, the Rotary Peace Centers program develops the fellows into experienced and effective catalysts for peace. The fellowships cover tuition and fees, room and board, round-trip transportation, and all internship and field-study expenses.
In just over a decade, the Rotary Peace Centers have trained more than 1,200 fellows. Many of them now serve as leaders at international organizations or have started their own foundations.
Check out the Rotary Peace Map to see where our alumni are fostering peace around the world.
Each year, The Rotary Foundation awards up to 50 fellowships for master’s degrees and 50 for certificate studies at premier universities.
This annual report ranks 163 countries around the world according to their peacefulness. It has three main themes: level of safety and security in society; the extent of domestic and international conflict, and the degree of militarisation. There is reference to gender equality as an aspect of positive peace, but no specific mention of women’s contribution to peace-building.
It is compiled by the Institute for Economics and Peace (IEP) in consultation with global peace experts and think tanks, and with data gathered by the Economist Intelligence Unit.
Source: Thomas U Berger’s chapter, ‘Norms, Identity, and National Security’ in ‘Security Studies: A Reader’ edited by Hughes et al (2013)
The study of security studies is a vast and complex area, with the concept of security as a contested idea. We can refer to the political-military culture as a subset of the greater political culture within a country which influences how citizens of that society view national security, the military as an institution, and the use of force in international relations.
Cultures are not static and are open to change. When observing behaviour of individuals or groups of people from different cultural backgrounds, their reactions are likely to be different even when confronted with identical situations. We can say, for example that French or American policy-makers will respond differently to their German or Japanese counterparts with regard to the military and the use of force, if in similar geostrategic positions, simply because they come from cultural backgrounds with very different values and norms.
Edited by Maya Eichler
The first book dedicated to the study of private security in global politics through the lens of gender
Advances both private security scholarship and feminist security studies by establishing gender as a key analytical category for private security studies
Employs an intersectional analysis of gender and other categories of difference such as race and class
Contributes new empirical material to the study of private security by drawing on ethnographic research
The Sie Cheou-Kang Center for International Security and Diplomacy, within the Josef Korbel School of International Studies at the University of Denver, has a research project that promotes access to information concerning the world-wide use and regulation of private military and security services. The Private Security Monitor Project is managed in collaboration with the Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF – see links). It has two components:
Firstly, the Web Portal which draws together all publicly-available regulations, reports, publications and data in the private security industry. Secondly, Private Security Mapping which aims to provide information on where private military and security companies are operating, what tasks they are performing and for whom.
Linked to this is a DCAF toolkit entitled: Private Military and Security Companies and Gender:
The gender aspects and challenges of the privatization of security on a global scale are addressed. The authors argue that in order to ensure the effectiveness and long-term success of security sector reform involving private security companies and private military companies, it is indispensable to integrate gender aspects into all operations. This tool is part of the DCAF Gender and Security Sector Reform Toolkit series.
The following passage appears in Jacklyn Cock’s book entitled, ‘Colonels and Cadres: War and Gender in South Africa’ (1991:25):
‘A distinction should be made between the military as a social institution (a set of social relationships organised around war and taking the shape of an armed force); militarism as an ideology (the key component of which is an acceptance of organised violence as a legitimate solution to conflict); and militarization as a social process that involves a mobilization of resources for war. These phenomena are closely related. Militarization involves both the spread of militarism as an ideology, and an expansion of the power and influence of the military as a social institution.’
Jacklyn Cock wrote much of this book during the Apartheid years which was a particularly bloody and violent period in South Africa’s history. In the last ten to fifteen years, we have become familiar with the concept of peacekeeping as a means to prevent conflict. The above definitions reminds us that militarism is socially constructed and thus attitudes to such can be changed.
In this article, contrasts are made on considerations of gender in the 5-year plans of South Africa's Department of Defence (DOD) and the South African Police Service (SAPS)
Law enforcement in the United Kingdom is organised separately in each of the legal systems of the United Kingdom: England and Wales, Northern Ireland and Scotland. Most law enforcement is carried out by police officers serving in regional police services (known as territorial police forces) within one of those jurisdictions. These regional services are complemented by UK-wide agencies, such as the National Crime Agency and the national specialist units of certain territorial police forces, such as the Specialist Operations directorate of the Metropolitan Police.